JOURNAL 2010 | North Craven Heritage Trust |
|
Introduction
Between the 12th
and 16th centuries, the Earls of Northumberland held a
substantial estate in North Craven. This passed to the Cliffords of
Skipton through marriage early in the 16th century and,
after the Dissolution of the Monasteries, was augmented by former
monastic holdings of Bolton Priory in Long Preston, and of
Fountains Abbey in Littondale. It remained in the hands of the
Cliffords and their successors until sold by the Duke of Devonshire
in the 19th century.
A survey of the estate which was carried out in 1579 when George
Clifford became the 3rd Earl of Cumberland 1 is
now to be found in the archives of the Yorkshire Archaeological
Society in Leeds, and was photographed for transcription by kind
permission of the owner of the survey, Mr Sebastian Fattorini of
Skipton castle.
On first sight, the
1579 Clifford survey appears to be merely a catalogue of the holdings
of a large number of North Craven residents who are otherwise unknown
to history, and therefore of limited historical interest. The aim of
this article is to show however that, when the information in the
1579 survey is considered in conjunction with other sources, it is
found to be one of the most important surviving documentary sources
for North Craven, providing interesting new insights into life in
both the 16th and other centuries.
The estate, the surveys and the tenurial arrangements
Figure 1 shows the
location of the Clifford holdings in Ribblesdale, Littondale and
Langstrothdale in 1579. Earlier surveys of the estate survive from
1314, on the death of Henry Percy 2 from 1499, when
another Henry Percy became the 5th Earl of Northumberland
3 and from 1520 4, when the 1499 survey was updated.
The 1579 survey is the last substantial survey of the estate, the
near bankruptcy of the 3rd Earl of Cumberland at the
beginning of the 17th century causing a sale of estate
assets and reducing the incentive of later lords of the manor to
produce estate surveys.
Perhaps
the most surprising revelation of the 1579 survey is the feudal
nature of life in North Craven in the 16th century. In
many parts of England feudalism came to an end in the 14th
century, when the Black Death created shortages of tenants and
enabled survivors to accumulate land. This did not happen in North
Craven however, the predominant holding in the Clifford estate in
1579 still being the oxgang, the same subsistence holding as in
earlier centuries. The Long Preston section of the 1579 survey even
reminded the at-will tenants that they held their land by socage,
and were not entitled to make wills. On the death of a tenant, it was
the manor court which determined who should inherit, although the
survey shows that the inheritor was usually the first son.
Daughters
were not allowed to inherit tenancies and, where there was no male
heir, a property reverted to the lord of the manor to “demise at
his pleasure”. If the male heir was under age when his father
died, his mother could assume the tenancy until her son came of age,
when she became entitled to a third or “ moitie” (half) of the
property, provided she did not re-marry. This perhaps suggests that
properties were of 2 or 3 bay construction, the widow being entitled
to one bay.
The
insistence on male tenants was possibly a consequence of the lord of
the manor being required by the Crown to raise an army from among
his tenantry. Although the survey did not spell out the military
obligations of tenants, a document survives in the Huff collection in
Leeds (WYAS/L) requiring George Bond,
listed in the 1579 survey as the holder of 3 acres of land in Long
Preston, to provide his own arms and follow the lord of the manor to
war when required to do so. This was not a theoretical obligation, a
number of tenants listed in the 1499 and 1520 surveys being
identifiable in the muster roll of those who fought against the
Scots at Flodden in 1513 5. The tenants’ role in the
army would appear to have been determined by the amount of land they
held, the holders of an oxgang being archers in the muster roll-
the lesser tenants such as George Bond would have been billmen.
In
addition to rents, the lord of the manor was entitled to gressums,
lump sums payable whenever there was a new lord of the manor or a
new tenant. Gressums increased significantly in the 16th
century, being approximately a quarter of the annual rent in 1499 but
roughly ten times the rent by 1579, when they were paid in stages
over several years.
The end of feudalism
in North Craven came shortly after 1603, the year in which George
Clifford came close to bankrupting the Cumberland estate, the final
straw being excessive expenditure at the coronation of James I 6.
Clifford was forced to turn to his tenants to pay off his debts,
raising substantial sums in return for giving up his right to
gressums. The tenants who could afford to buy out their gressums
became freeholders in all but name, for the first time being able to
buy and sell property and make wills. However, George Clifford and
his successors as lord of the manor retained the rents, later known
as “ancient” or “reserved” rents.
The
estate was finally sold by the Duke of Devonshire in a piecemeal
fashion in the 19th century. A Wakefield deed of 1825
WYAS/W IF495 444, lists the sale of the Giggleswick, Rathmell
and Settle rents, while another of 1836 WYAS/W
MD143 126 of 1836 records the sale of the Long Preston rents.
Although these rents were of almost trivial financial value compared
with the values of the properties to which they were attached, their
legal existence meant that they were often quoted in deeds of later
centuries. As we shall see later, these unchanging rents are of
particular importance to historical research of North Craven,
enabling a number of properties to be traced which are not
traceable by other means.
The
rents and gressums of the holdings listed in the 1579 survey are
summarised in Table 1, and it will be shown later that the wide
variation from township to township may be explained by the
different agricultural practices and tenurial arrangements of the
various townships.
Township
|
No. of holdings
|
Rent
|
Gressums
|
Average
rent per
holding
|
Average
gressum
per holding
|
Long Preston
|
64
|
£26.10
|
£222.35
|
£0.40
|
£3.47
|
Settle
|
50
|
£48.40
|
£477.87
|
£0.97
|
£9.56
|
Giggleswick
|
74
|
£41.88
|
£425.85
|
£0.57
|
£5.75
|
Rathmell
|
5
|
£2.63
|
£32.16
|
£0.53
|
£6.43
|
Littondale
|
47
|
£61.94
|
£498.22
|
£1.32
|
£10.60
|
Langstrothdale
|
52
|
£111.86
|
£1088.62
|
£2.15
|
£20.94
|
Totals
|
292
|
£292.81
|
£2745.07
|
£1.00
|
£9.40
|
Table 1. Rents and gressums in the various townships of the Clifford estate in 1579
The townships
Long Preston
Long Preston was the
first township to be surveyed in 1579, and was the only township
whose freeholders were surveyed. The realisation that the seven Long
Preston freeholders only yielded a total of 22d in rent and no
gressums may have convinced the commissioners that it was not worth
the effort of surveying the freeholders in the other townships.
The Cliffords appear to have been the only lords of the manor in Long
Preston in 1579, land in the township formerly belonging to Bolton
Priory coming to them after the Dissolution. This monastic land was
purchased by the priory in 1304 to endow Long Preston church, and the
1579 survey records that it was re-assigned to the former monastic
tenants in 1546 on very favourable terms. Possibly because of the
favourable tenancy arrangements, the former monastic lands were still
in the hands of direct descendants of the monastic tenants in the
18th century, when several Wakefield deeds make explicit
reference to the 1546 transactions and give us the names of the
fields associated with the holdings. The fieldnames in these deeds
enable the identification of the former monastic holding as a block
of land immediately to the west of the village, between Sour Dale
Lane and Back Lane.
The survey reveals an
almost identical amount of land in agricultural production in Long
Preston in 1579 as in 1314 (56 oxgangs), suggesting that the Long
Preston field systems were already fully developed in the 14th
century 7. In addition to the land purchased in 1304,
Bolton Priory held the Long Preston tithes, 10% of the township’s
arable production, and the early 14th century priory
accounts 8 are sufficiently detailed to enable us to
estimate the arable output of the township and, by extension, the
production of a typical farmer. These estimates suggest that a Long
Preston oxgang holder should have been able to provide roughly 7
lbs of oats and 7 pints of ale (from barley) a day for his family, a
typical diet of the late medieval period. Since North Craven
agricultural practices changed little during the late medieval
period, the Long Preston diet in 1579 is likely to have been similar
to that revealed by the 14th century priory records. Long
Preston would appear to be the only North Craven township of any
period whose records allow its agricultural economy to be quantified,
but conditions in other townships are likely to have been similar.
The lord of the manor
still farmed demesne land in Long Preston in his own right in 1579,
at Skirbeck Riddings, and the survey shows 35 tenants farming 110
acres of former demesne land, located in the south west corner of the
township. The tenants’ holdings were significantly less than the
minimum amount of land needed to support a family at a subsistence
level, and we can only assume that the tenants also worked as farm
labourers, perhaps on the lord of the manor’s remaining demesne
land. Their existence explains the low average rents in Long Preston,
and may also explain the township’s lack of economic development in
later centuries compared with neighbouring townships such as Settle
and Giggleswick. Land enclosure was strenuously resisted by the small
farmers because of their justified fear that large landowners would
use enclosure as an opportunity to accumulate more land.
The 1579 survey tells
us that Langber pasture had been enclosed by the Cliffords in 1557,
yielding £10 pa to the lord of the manor. We know from the Settle
Parliamentary Enclosure Act of 1757 that the stocking level on the
Settle cattle pastures was roughly one cattlegate per 3.2 acres and,
if the same stocking rates had applied in Long Preston, a Long
Preston oxgang holder would have had the right to three cattlegates
on Langber, paying 40d for the privilege.
Settle
The Percies established
a market in Settle in 1247, hoping to create a thriving borough. A
family member was installed at the Cleatop manor house, and a
substantial demesne estate was created to support the family.
However, the market rentals recorded in 1314 (63s) , and 1499 and
1579 ( 26s 8d ), are significantly lower than rentals of successful
market towns, perhaps explaining why Cleatop was abandoned as a
manorial residence and the demesne land tenanted out.
Unlike Long Preston, where the surplus demesne estate was rented in small
parcels to a large number of tenants, Cleatop was let on extended
leases, sometimes to one tenant and sometimes to two, the remaining
demesne land of 23 acres of arable land and 9 acres of meadow being
split equally between the 12 Settle at-will tenants in the 1499 and
1579 surveys. Although it has not been possible to locate the former
demesne arable land, the demesne meadow was to the south of Ingfield
Lane, and was still in small parcels totalling 9 ancient acres in
the Tithe Survey of 1841.
The first entry for Settle in the 1499 Percy survey was for Sir Stephen
Hamerton, paying a freehold rent of 4s 10d for “two messuages 8
acres of land and meadow”. The location of the property may be
identified as Lodge, high on the hillside above Settle, by virtue of
a freehold property at Lodge of the rent of 4s 10d being mortgaged
by Richard Preston in 1672 (YAS, MD335 Box20),
the first owner of the Folly, Settle’s grade I listed building. It
is possible that the mortgage taken out on the Lodge property was to
finance the building of the Folly. The Lodge property remained in
the family until 1777, when it was sold by a descendant of Richard
Preston’s son-in-law, the deed recording the sale again recording
the freehold rent of 4s10d (WYAS/W BY654 938).
The only Settle
residences identifiable by name in the 1579 survey were at Cleatop,
Lodge and Merebeck, but later deeds allow us to trace James Cokeson’s
residence of 1579 to a location where the Whitefriars Guest House now
stands. The survey recorded that James’s widowed mother had the
right to a “moitie” (half) of the property, perhaps suggesting a
two bay residence. The central and oldest section of Whitefriars is a
room which appears to have originated as two bays, and the
possibility must be entertained that some building fabric survives
from the 16th century.
The 1579 survey records “two shops adionynge to the Toolbowthe there
lately erected of the rent of 4d”, and a picture of the Settle
market place of 1822 which adorns the safety screen at the Victoria
Hall shows the Toll booth and adjoining shops shortly before they
were demolished to make way for the present Town Hall. We are
justified therefore in regarding this scene as a pictorial
representation of Settle in both Victorian and Elizabethan times.
Giggleswick
Although conventional
architectural wisdom suggests that the oldest surviving North Craven
residences are from the 17th century, this assumption may
be partly due to the vogue for fitting dated door lintels only
reaching North Craven in the 17th century. The 1579
survey would suggest that a few Giggleswick buildings are worthy of
inspection for the possibility of fabric surviving from earlier than
the 17th century.
Hugh Claphamson held
an inn in Giggleswick in 1579, known as the “Signe of the
Belle”, together with “one house covered with slate
laitlie erected” ( the only mention of a slated roof in the
survey) and this property may be traced through Wakefield deeds to
an ancient property which today stands at the top of Bell Hill. Some
unusually massive internal stonework, which is not typical of later
centuries, may indicate an early building style.
William
Craven held a property “neire unto the Scholehouse of the rent
of 3s1d” in 1579, and a later deed of a property in his son’s
hands with the same rental allows its identification as Thorntree, a
property immediately to the west of the Giggleswick church. The 17th
century datestone may be a later addition.
Laurencius del Banke
held a freehold property in Giggleswick for a pound of pepper in
1314, the same rent paid by John Banke in 1499 and 1520. The
Giggleswick freeholders were not included in the 1579 survey, but a
16th century township rule book records the cleaning of
the well “ at the north of Thomas Banks house” (Brayshaw,
1932), Thomas being identifiable as a descendant of John of
1520. A problem of identifying the location of Thomas Banks house is
that there are wells next to two adjacent buildings at Bankwell. The
Parish Rooms, with its mullion windows, is an obviously old building,
but the apparently classical Well House next door has both massive
internal walls typical of early buildings and re-used cruck beams in
the roof. A survey of this building was carried out in 2009 in an
attempt to deduce how its structure had evolved over the centuries.
The
1579 survey recorded numerous small Giggleswick properties in the
pastures to the south west of the village with an average of around
10 acres of arable land. Many of these properties may be identified
in the 1499 survey, where they were described as lodges, being in the
same family hands and paying the same rents as in 1579. A study has
enabled a number of the lodge sites to be identified (at Routster,
Armistead, Craven Ridge, Paley Green, Tiperthwaite, Close House,
Grainhouse, Fieldgate, Rome, Swaw Beck) and it has been suggested
that they may have originated as assarts, new arable holdings created
in the pastures in the 12th/ 13th centuries to
support a burgeoning population 9.
A mill was recorded
in Giggleswick paying the same rent of 66s 8d in 1314, 1499, 1579
and in 1825 (WYAS/W IF 495 444),
allowing its location to be identified at the gate of Catterall
Hall. The foundations of a watermill may still be seen there, and a
groundsman at Giggleswick School discovered an old millstone nearby
in recent years. Giggleswick had several mills in later centuries,
and it is only the rent of 66s 8d which enables the identification of
Catterall Hall as the location of the ancient manorial corn mill.
Rathmell
The Rathmell section of
the 1314 inquisition is badly stained and difficult to read, but it
is possible to discern 5 tofts and a third of a corn mill. In 1579
there were 5 oxgangs and a third of a corn mill, so the estate
holdings in Rathmell seem to have changed little over the
centuries. The holding of only a third of the corn mill in both
surveys perhaps suggests that the Cliffords and the Percies before
them held only a third of the township.
Littondale
The Littondale section
of the survey includes not only settlements in the Litton valley,
from Cosh down to Arncliff, but also Birkwith, Horton (part) and
Studfold in the upper Ribble valley. This arrangement was probably a
perpetuation of a management arrangement revealed in a Percy
household book of 1512, which showed the Craven estates being managed
by two stewards, one in Long Preston and the other in Langstrothdale
(YAS, 1827).
Most
Littondale holdings were of 10 and 20 acres, with a rent of around 2s
an acre, but there were also three large estates at Sleights, Nether
Hesleden and Over Hesleden, whose rents suggest acreages of around
100 acres, 50 acres and 60 acres respectively. Over Hesleden’s
entry showed that it had formerly been a possession of the Abbot of
Fountains, and Sir John Gressham’s former holding of Sleights and
Birkwith also suggest an earlier monastic ownership.
The settlements in the
upper Litton valley (Cosh, Foxup and Halton) were entirely pastoral,
rent being for meadow and pasture, but the other settlements in
both the Litton valley and upper Ribble valley practised mixed
farming.
Not all the holdings
in the village of Litton were in Clifford hands, and the survey
describes a division of Arncliffe Clowder between the Earl and the
Litton residents, the earl and the residents sharing equally the
cost of the dividing wall. While Littondale had been an important
centre of the sheep industry in earlier centuries, this may not have
been the case in 1579. Two “flockraikes” recorded in the survey
at Litton were un-let and un-stocked and in the lord of the manor’s
hands.
Langstrothdale
The Clifford estate in
Langstrothdale in 1579 stretched down both banks of the upper reaches
of the river Wharfe from Oughtershaw to Cray, and then down the west
bank of the river to Middlesmoor (above Kettlewell). Buckden was a
holding let to William Worthington for a nominal 6s 8d, reverting to
the lord of the manor later. The Langstrothdale settlements each
supported typically half a dozen families, and were described as
lodges in 1499, as they were in an addendum to the 1314 survey, added
in 1319, which recorded that the Langstrothdale lodges were “worth
£24 11s and no more because of depredation of the Scots”. No
arable land was recorded at any of the settlements.
The commissioners were
not entirely consistent in the way they recorded holdings in 1579.
Although the holdings in both upper Littondale and Langstrothdale
were pastoral, they recorded acreages of meadow in Littondale, but
the names of meadow and pasture in Langstrothdale. Many of the
Langstrothdale pasture names of 1579 have survived to the present
day, enabling us to identify with some confidence the boundaries of
the settlements shown in Figure 2. It is not possible however to
identity in this way the boundaries of Oughtershaw, Beckermonds,
Halbank, Middlemoor or of Greenfell.
Fortunately
for our understanding of Langstrothdale’s agricultural economy, the
commissioners recorded the information that James Tenant and Leonard
Jaike of Cray, who paid rents of 40s, were each entitled to hold
46.5 cattle. We can be fairly certain that the Langstrothdale rents
reflected the number of cattle that tenants were entitled to put on
the pastures, and Table 2 includes estimates of the stocking at each
settlement, based on this assumption. For the settlements with known
boundaries, measurement of their acreages enables us to estimate the
stocking densities, and these are also shown in Table 2. Stocking
densities were clearly influenced by the aspect of the settlements,
with south facing settlements such as Yockenthwaite, Chapel and Cray
having higher stocking densities than the north and east facing
settlements such as Raisgill, Kirkgill and Birks. Deepdale, the only
settlement with land on both sides of the valley, had an average
stocking density.
Settlement
|
Tenants
(no of)
|
Rent
(d)
|
Acres
|
Estimated
cattlegates
|
(acres/ cattlegate)
|
Cray
|
6
|
1920
|
791
|
186
|
4.25
|
Chapel
|
2
|
2560
|
992
|
248
|
4
|
Halbank
|
1
|
480
|
N/A
|
46.5
|
N/A
|
Yockenthwaite
|
8
|
2520
|
1145
|
244
|
4.69
|
Oughtershaw
|
7
|
2080
|
N/A
|
201.5
|
N/A
|
Beckermonds
|
6
|
1840
|
N/A
|
178
|
N/A
|
Deepdale
|
8
|
3200
|
1604
|
310
|
5.17
|
Raisgill
|
5
|
1840
|
1158
|
178
|
6.49
|
Kirkgill
|
4
|
1525
|
804
|
148
|
5.43
|
Birks
|
1
|
1840
|
1010
|
178
|
5.66
|
Middlemoor
|
1
|
880
|
N/A
|
85
|
N/A
|
Greenfell
|
1
|
4800
|
N/A
|
465
|
N/A
|
Buckden & Starbotton
|
1
|
80
|
N/A
|
8
|
N/A
|
Table 2. The Langstrothdale rents and cattle stocking in 1579
We have no record of
how Langstrothdale was farmed in the 16th century but,
since northern agricultural practices changed little between the 14th
century and 1579, the arrangements are more likely to have been
similar to practices on the De Lacy estate in Blackburnshire c1300
10, than the practices in the 18th century,
when North Craven became heavily involved in the droving trade and
its associated dairying. The main objective of the De Lacy estate,
which held roughly the same number of animals as the Percy/ Clifford
estate in Langstrothdale, was to produce oxen for sale in markets up
to 40 miles from the vaccaries, dairying providing only a secondary
income. If the management practices had been similar in
Blackburnshire and Langstrothdale, we might expect to find little
evidence of barns to overwinter cattle in Langstrothdale; the De
Lacy records show that temporary wooden structures were used, being
frequently moved to reduce the risk of disease.
Dating ancient walls
Most walls in North
Craven were built in the 18th century, in response to the
pastoral revolution of that century, but a smaller number of walls
from earlier centuries may be recognised by the inclusion of field
clearance boulders in their construction. A difficulty of dating
these walls is that their style of construction appears to have
changed little over the centuries, forcing us to rely on documentary
evidence for dating.
Settle’s Newfield is
one of the few fields to be named in the 1499, 1520 and 1579 surveys,
but the section on the western boundary at OS 38274630 may be
considerably older, possibly dating to the 13th century,
when there is a record of the field on Settle moor being divided. Two
Long Preston walls illustrated in Figure 3 would appear to include
some fabric from the 14th or earlier centuries. That on
the left is at the Riddings, and would appear to include field
clearance boulders used to create the original assart, while the wall
illustrated on the right is on the eastern edge of the Long Preston
monastic glebeland, and has orthostats which architectural expert
Alison Armstrong suggests are of a style which typically predate the
middle of the 14th century.
Massive field clearance
boulders were still being used in the 16th and 17th
centuries, as illustrated in Figure 4; the picture on the right is
from a Giggleswick field known as Brownwatacras (at OS 38264595),
and would appear to have been built shortly before 1579 because the
Clifford survey of that year tells us that a small parcel of arable
land had recently been reclaimed from the pastures to create
Brownwatacras. The wall on the left in Figure 4 is in Long Preston,
at OS 38264595, and is part of a wall dividing the pastures from the
arable fields which once stretched the whole length of the township
from Merebeck to Newton. Antiquarian John Thompson told a meeting in
the Long Preston Mechanics Institute in 1886 that the wall had been
built in 1687, and that parts of the original wall were still
standing in 1886.
Since Langstrothdale
was entirely pastoral from a very early time, it has good potential
for the survival of early walls, particularly the external boundary
and the division walls between the settlements. Surviving field names
suggest that the settlement boundaries are today largely as they
were in 1499, 1520 and 1579.
Concluding remarks
The 1579 Clifford
survey provides important new insights into life in North Craven
between the 14th and 19th centuries,
particularly in the fields of the agricultural economy and the built
environment. Much more perhaps remains to be revealed by the survey
than has been covered in this article and, to aid future research,
images and transcriptions of the 1579 survey have been deposited by
the author at the YAS as MS1840. It is also hoped that
transcriptions will appear on the NCHT web site at a later date as an
adjunct to this article.
Abbreviations
CH Chatsworth House, Derbyshire
TNA The National Archives, Kew
WYAS/L West Yorkshire Archive Service, Leeds
WYAS/W West Yorkshire Archive Service, Wakefield
YAS Yorkshire Archaeological Society, Leeds
References
- YAS DD121/24/2
- TNA C134/41/8
- CH BAS/47/1
- YAS DD121/32/1
- Speight, 1892 pp61-66
- Spence, 1995 p196
- Stephens, 2009
- Kershaw, 2000
- Stephens and Moorhouse, 2005
- Atkin 1994
Bibliography
- Atkin, M.A.,1994
Land use and Management in the Upland demesne of the De Lacy
estate of Blackburnshire c 1300, Agricultural History Review Vol
42 pp 1-19
- Brayshaw, T., and Robinson, R.M.,1932 The History of the Ancient Parish of Giggleswick
- Kershaw, I., 2000 The
Bolton Compotus 1286-1325 YAS Record Series Vol. 154
- Speight, H., 1892. The
Craven and North-West Yorkshire Highlands Elliott Stock
- Spence, R.T., 1995. The
Privateering Earl, George Clifford Earl of Cumberland, 1558-1605
Sutton
- Stephens, T. and
Moorhouse, S, 2005 The lodges of Giggleswick 1499 YAS Medieval
Section
- Stephens, T., 2009.
Yeomen, Monks, Drovers and Handloom weavers; 800 years of Long
Preston’s history, Long Preston Heritage Project publication
- YAS, 1827.,The Regulations and
Establishment of Henry Algernon Percy 5th
Earl of Northumberland at his castles in Wressil and Lekinfield in
Yorkshire begun AD 1512 ( copy held at the YAS, Leeds, shelf ref 4H14)
|